Dennis Miracles Aboagye’s accusations against former President John Dramani Mahama center on the claim that Mahama, despite campaigning on an anti-galamsey platform, actively encouraged the illegal mining practice through both his words and actions while in office. Aboagye argues that Mahama’s response to the galamsey crisis has been inadequate and points to several incidents and policy decisions as evidence of this alleged complicity. He highlights Mahama’s justification for withdrawing the Police Anti-Galamsey Task Force – that it was intimidating licensed small-scale miners – as a sign of misplaced priorities, suggesting that this move effectively emboldened illegal miners. Aboagye also criticizes Mahama’s reluctance to declare a state of emergency to combat galamsey, interpreting this hesitation as a lack of commitment to truly addressing the issue.
A core element of Aboagye’s accusation is the alleged involvement of National Democratic Congress (NDC) members, including party executives, in galamsey operations. He cites reports and incidents, such as a viral video purportedly showing an NDC constituency chairman confronting soldiers, as evidence of this connection. This, according to Aboagye, suggests a degree of tolerance or even endorsement of illegal mining within the NDC ranks, further implicating Mahama as the party leader. Furthermore, Aboagye emphasizes the escalating environmental damage caused by galamsey, particularly the devastation of river bodies and forest reserves, attributing this worsening situation to Mahama’s allegedly permissive stance. He contends that Mahama’s rhetoric and actions have created an environment where illegal mining can thrive.
Aboagye draws a parallel between Mahama’s perceived inaction and the accusations levelled by Kwesi Botchway Jr., who controversially claimed that the Jubilee House, the seat of the presidency, had become the headquarters of galamsey. By referencing this statement, Aboagye insinuates that Mahama’s administration was not only failing to combat illegal mining but was potentially even facilitating it from the highest levels of government. He views Mahama’s responses to the galamsey crisis as “enabling” and implies that this has fueled the perception of government complicity in the illicit activity.
The backdrop of Aboagye’s critique is Mahama’s campaign promise to eradicate galamsey. Aboagye contends that the former president’s subsequent actions have betrayed this pledge to the electorate. The withdrawal of the task force, the resistance to declaring a state of emergency, and the alleged involvement of NDC officials in illegal mining all, in Aboagye’s view, contradict Mahama’s earlier commitments and expose a disconnect between rhetoric and reality. This perceived hypocrisy further strengthens Aboagye’s argument that Mahama has not only failed to tackle galamsey but has actively contributed to its escalation.
Adding to the complexity of the situation is the issue of gold pricing by the Gold Board, a state agency. Aboagye highlights complaints from some miners regarding this pricing structure, though he doesn’t elaborate on the specifics of these grievances. It can be inferred that he considers the Gold Board’s pricing policies as another factor contributing to the galamsey problem, potentially by making the illegal trade more lucrative. This, combined with the perceived lack of effective law enforcement and the alleged involvement of political figures, paints a picture, in Aboagye’s perspective, of a system that tacitly encourages illegal mining.
In essence, Aboagye’s accusations revolve around the discrepancy between Mahama’s pre-election promises and his actions as president. He posits that Mahama’s administration fostered an environment conducive to galamsey through inadequate enforcement, questionable policy decisions, and the alleged involvement of political figures in the illicit activity. This, he argues, has led to the unchecked devastation of Ghana’s natural resources and betrayed the trust of the voters who elected Mahama on an anti-galamsey platform.
